|
PODA welcomes the approval of Pro-women laws
by the Senate of Pakistan
|
13
December 2011 (Islamabad): ‘Pakistani legislators have taken a bold
step to speak out against violence against women in the name of
culture or traditions by passing two new laws to combat gender based
violence”, said Sameena Nazir, Executive Director of Potohar
Organization for Development Advocacy (PODA), a women’s rights
organization.
“We congratulate the courageous women and men in the Senate and
National Assembly of Pakistan who passed consensus resolutions in both
houses of the parliament to criminalize Acid throwing on women in the
first law and the denial of women’s rights in the name of culture or
traditions such as Vani, Swara, marriage with Quran or dispossessing
women from inheritance”, she added. These two laws were approved by
consensus by the Senate of Pakistan on Monday December 12 in
Islamabad.
PODA also appreciated the efforts of the National Commission on the
Status of Women (NCSW) and the Women Parliamentary Caucus (WPC) and
all the women’s rights groups all over Pakistan for their persistent
efforts of many years to push for pro-women legislation that declares
violence against women a crime and gives fine and punishments to those
who attack and injure women and girls. According to recent reports,
nearly 90 percent of Pakistani women have faced some kinds of violence
inside their families by their close relatives because there was no
punishment against attacks on women. “ every day we read about acid
thrown on women and girls or women killed for refusing a forced
marriage or for refusing to give up her legal property rights”, but
the police would not even arrest family members who commit these
crimes because there was no punishment against such laws before” said
Ms. Nazir and added that thanks to the pro-women policies of the
present government and the commitment of women legislators from all
the political parties now we have laws against such crimes. PODA also
congratulates the independent media of Pakistan for creating awareness
about the problem of violence against women and girls in Pakistan by
highlight the stories of women victims and survivors.
PODA, a women’s rights organization working in rural areas of
Pakistan also reiterated its commitment to create awareness about
these two new laws among rural women and girls and their families in
Pakistan so that women can know about these laws and they can take
actions to protect themselves by using these laws. PODA will also
continue its efforts to educate the duty bearers such as the police
and courts, social welfare officials and Dar-ul-Amans, teachers and
the media to fullfil their roles in ensuring that these two new laws
after approval from the President of Pakistan will be fully
implemented. PODA is now working to make an Implementation Watch
Committee at District Level to follow actions on these two laws and
to constantly advocate at all levels to use these laws to support
Pakistani women.
For
more information or any questions please contact:
info@poda.org.pk or call (051) 260 9743 |
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Anti-women customs
November 17, 2011
It is
encouraging that the Anti-Women Practices (Criminal Law Amendment) Bill was
finally passed by the National Assembly on Tuesday. Twice last month, the
bill was stalled over what many observers saw as trivial objections. The
social practices that the bill criminalises include that of women`s
`marriage` to the Quran. This method of keeping inheritance limited to male
family members is also quite common amongst the country`s feudal elites,
some of whom are parliamentarians. The legislators` failure to take the bill
seriously had exposed them to criticism on the grounds of class
self-interest cutting across political divides. Now, though, once approved
by the Senate, the progressive five-clause bill ought to prove important in
Pakistan`s struggle to protect women`s rights. Defining a `marriage` to the
Quran as an “oath by a woman on the holy Quran to remain unmarried for the
rest of her life or not to claim her share of inheritance”, the bill spells
out hefty punishment for depriving women of their inheritance through this
or other deceitful means, and for giving women in forced marriages to settle
civil disputes or criminal liabilities — another detestable practice that
has for decades tarnished Pakistan`s human rights record.
The
role that targeted legislation can play in discouraging archaic and
regressive practices must also be highlighted. Using women as currency for
settling disputes, forcing them into marriages against their will, giving
jirgas the power to settle their futures or taking punitive action if they
marry against their family`s or clan`s wishes are acts of coercion. However,
these are defended by many as being part of tradition and seen as legitimate
since they have been practised for centuries. Apart from raising awareness,
the only tool the government has in its arsenal against such a mediaeval
mindset is to develop legislation that specifically criminalises certain
sorts of behaviour.
This
government`s record in this regard has been fairly reasonable, with the
formulation of crucial pieces of legislation such as the Protection against
Harassment of Women at the Work Place Act 2010. However, other, long overdue
laws remain to be achieved. Notable here is the Domestic Violence
(Prevention and Protection) Bill which was passed unanimously by parliament
in August 2009 but that lapsed after the Senate failed to approve it.
Resultantly, those subjected to a pervasive yet invisible form of violence
are not protected by the law. While this bill must be revisited, the Senate
must also ensure the prompt passage of the Anti-Women Practices (Criminal
Law Amendment) Bill. Now that the first tier of parliamentary approval has
been achieved, it must be given the attention it merits.
Courtesy: DAWN.COM -
http://www.dawn.com
URL to article:
http://www.dawn.com/2011/11/17/anti-women-customs.html
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
|
Johnson Sirleaf, Gbowee,
Karman win Nobel Peace
In
this January 24, 2011 file photo, Yemeni activist Tawakkul Karman
gestures upon her release from a Yemeni jail in Sanaa. — Photo by AP
OSLO:
Africa’s first democratically elected female president, a Liberian
peace activist and a woman who stood up to Yemen’s authoritarian
regime won the Nobel Peace Prize on Friday for their work to secure
women’s rights, which the prize committee described as fundamental to
advancing world peace.
The
10 million kronor ($1.5 million) award was split three ways between
Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, peace activist Leyma Gbowee
from the same African country and democracy activist Tawakkul Karman
of Yemen — the first Arab woman to win the prize.
By
citing Karman, the committee also appeared to be acknowledging the
effects of the Arab Spring, which has challenged authoritarian regimes
across the region.
The
Norwegian Nobel Committee honoured the three women “for their
nonviolent struggle for the safety of women and for women’s rights to
full participation in peace-building work”.
“We
cannot achieve democracy and lasting peace in the world unless women
obtain the same opportunities as men to influence developments at all
levels of society,” the prize committee said.
Committee chairman Thorbjorn Jagland said he hoped the prize would
bring more attention to rape and other violence against women as well
as women’s role in promoting democracy in Africa and the Arab and
Muslim world.
Karman
is a 32-year-old mother of three who heads the human rights group
Women Journalists without Chains. She has been a leading figure in
organising protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh that kicked
off in late January as part of a wave of anti-authoritarian revolts
that have convulsed the Arab world.
“I am
very, very happy about this prize,” Karman told The Associated Press.
“I give the prize to the youth of revolution in Yemen and the Yemeni
people.”
Citing
the Arab Spring alone could have been problematic for the committee.
The unrest toppled authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya.
But Libya descended into civil war that led to Nato military
intervention. Egypt and Tunisia are still in turmoil. Hardliners are
holding onto power in Yemen and Syria and a Saudi-led force crushed
the uprising in Bahrain, leaving an uncertain record for the Arab
protest movement.
Jagland
said it was difficult to find a leader of the Arab Spring revolts,
especially among the many bloggers who played a role in energizing the
protests, and noted that Kamran’s work started before the Arab
uprisings.
“Many
years before the revolutions started she stood up against one of the
most authoritarian and autocratic regimes in the world,” he told
reporters.
Liberia
was ravaged by civil wars for years until 2003. The drawn-out conflict
that began in 1989 left about 200,000 people dead and displaced half
the country’s population of three million. The country — created to
settle freed American slaves in 1847 — is still struggling to maintain
a fragile peace with the help of UN peacekeepers.
Sirleaf,
72, has a master’s degree in public administration from Harvard
University and has held top regional jobs at the World Bank, the
United Nations and within the Liberian government.
In
elections in 1997, she ran second to warlord-turned-president Charles
Taylor, who many claimed was voted into power by a fearful electorate.
Though she lost by a landslide, she rose to national prominence and
earned the nickname, “Iron Lady.” She went on to become Africa’s first
democratically elected female leader in 2005.
Sirleaf
was seen as a reformer and peacemaker in Liberia when she took office.
She is running for re-election this month and opponents in the
presidential campaign have accused her of buying votes and using
government funds to campaign. Her camp denies the charges. The
election is Tuesday.
In a
2005 interview with The Associated Press, Sirleaf said she hoped young
girls would see her as a role model and be inspired.
“I
certainly hope more and more of them will be better off, women in
Liberia, women in Africa, I hope even women in the world.”
“If
you’re competing with men as a professional, you have to be better
than they are…and make sure you get their respect as an equal,”
Johnson-Sirleaf said. “It’s been hard. Even when you gain their
acceptance, it’s in a male-dominated away. They say, ‘Oh, now she’s
one of the boys.”
Buttons
from her presidential campaign say it all: “Ellen — She’s Our Man.”
The
committee cited Johnson Sirleaf’s efforts to secure peace in her
country, promote economic and social development and strengthen the
position of women.
Jagland
said the committee didn’t consider the upcoming election in Liberia
when it made its decision.
“We
cannot look to that domestic consideration,” he said. “We have to look
at Alfred Nobel’s will, which says that the prize should go to the
person that has done the most for peace in the world.”
Gbowee,
who organised a group of Christian and Muslim women to challenge
Liberia’s warlords, was honoured for mobilising women “across ethnic
and religious dividing lines to bring an end to the long war in
Liberia, and to ensure women’s participation in elections”.
Gbowee
has long campaigned for the rights of women and against rape. In 2003,
she led hundreds of female protesters through Monrovia to demand swift
disarmament of fighters who preyed on women throughout Liberia during
14 years of near-constant civil war.
In 2009,
she won a Profile in Courage Award, an honour named for a 1957
Pulitzer Prize-winning book written by John F. Kennedy, for her work
in emboldening women in Liberia.
Gbowee
works in Ghana’s capital as the director of Women Peace and Security
Network Africa. The group’s website says she also won a 2007 Blue
Ribbon Award from Harvard University and was the central character of
an award-winning documentary called “Pray the Devil Back to Hell.”
The
group’s website says she is a mother of five.
“I know
Leymah to be a warrior daring to enter where others would not dare,”
said Gbowee’s assistant, Bertha Amanor. “So fair and straight, and a
very nice person.”
Yemen is
an extremely conservative society but a feature of the uprising there
has been a prominent role for women who turned out for protests in
large numbers.
Karman
is from Taiz, a city in southern Yemen that is a hotbed of resistance
against Saleh’s regime, and now lives in the capital, Sanaa. She is a
journalist and member of Islah, an Islamic party. Her father is a
former legal affairs minister under Saleh.
Long an advocate for human rights and freedom of expression in Yemen,
she has been campaigning for Saleh’s ouster since 2006 and mounted an
initiative to organise Yemeni youth groups and opposition into a
national council.
On
January 23, Karman was arrested at her home. After widespread protests
against her detention — it is rare for Yemen women to be taken to jail
— she was released early the next day.
Karman
has been dubbed “Iron Woman, “The Mother of Revolution” and “The
Spirit of the Yemeni Revolution” by fellow protesters.
During a
February rally in Sanaa, she told the AP: “We will retain the dignity
of the people and their rights by bringing down the regime.”
The
peace prize was in line with Norway’s development aid strategy, which
is often focused on women’s rights. Norwegian Prime Minister Jens
Stoltenberg called the award “important and worthy”.
In his
1895 will, award creator Alfred Nobel gave only vague guidelines for
the peace prize, saying it should honour “work for fraternity between
nations, for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the
holding and promotion of peace congresses.”
The
peace prize is the only Nobel handed out in Oslo, Norway. The other
five awards — in medicine, physics, chemistry, literature and
economics — are presented in Stockholm.
Last
year’s peace prize went to imprisoned Chinese dissident Liu Xiaob
http://www.dawn.com/2011/10/07/yemeni-says-nobel-prize-win-for-her-nations-revolution.html
-------------------------------------------------------------- |
| |
|
12
AUGUST - WORLD YOUTH DAY
“
Pakistan has the largest number of children out of school in the world
after Afghanistan.
Only 23
per cent of our children under the age of 16 attend secondary school
and almost one-third of Pakistanis have received less than two years
of education.
54% of
Pakistan is literate (a generous estimate) and even so, being literate
means the ability to sign your name”.
Reclaiming Jinnah’s Pakistan
By Shehrbano Taseer
I
watched my father Salmaan Taseer break into a smile as Aasia Noreen
placed her ink-stained thumb on a mercy petition marked for President
Zardari. Pakistan’s founder, secularist Mohammed Ali Jinnah stared
down silently from his portrait on the wall.
Six
weeks later, as my father was lowered into an early grave - as
frothing, bearded religious fanatics took to the streets celebrating
his brutal murder and Pakistan’s unforgiving blasphemy laws – I
wondered what else had been buried with him.
There are those who say my father’s death was the final nail in the
coffin for Jinnah’s Pakistan. But as long as we live by Jinnah’s
words, the Pakistan he envisioned will live on.
Pakistan is one of the most populous countries in the world. With 60 percent of
Pakistan’s 187 million strong population below the age of 24, the
youth of Pakistan form a potentially powerful force for change.
We
must be nation builders. It is our greatest responsibility and burden.
When Jinnah addressed students in Dhaka in 1948, he emphasized
education as a priority for young people and said “let me give you
this word of warning: you will be making the greatest mistake if you
allow yourself to be exploited by one political party or another. ”
Jinnah envisioned a modern nation at peace with itself and the world.
We must understand that vision instead of siding with obscurantist’s
and hyper-national isolationists.
We
need to be a nation of modern economists, entrepreneurs, scientists,
writers, social workers, doctors, journalists, teachers and
film-makers’ not a nation of angry complainers and Muslim bigots.
Jinnah remarked, "No nation can rise to the height of glory unless
your women are side by side with you. We are victims of evil customs.
It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up as
prisoners.” Ultimately, the success of our nation will not depend on
what we didn’t do, what we denied ourselves, what we resisted, and who
we excluded. It will depend on what we embraced, what we created, and
who we included.
Addressing the Punjabi Muslim Students Federation at Lahore on October
31, 1947, Jinnah said “Pakistan is proud of her youth, particularly
the students who have always been in the forefront in the hour of
trial and need. You are the nation’s leaders of tomorrow… You should
realize the magnitude of your responsibility and be ready to bear it.”
The future of every country is it’s next generation. For a
progressive, pluralistic and economically sound Pakistan to succeed,
there is an urgent need to harness the potential of the youth. This
requires the state to invest in education, vocational training and
skills development, technology, entrepreneurship opportunities, and
job creation for both young men and women.
With a crippled economy and a hemorrhaging war on terror, our
education system is in shambles. Our budget reveals that only 1.5% is
dedicated to education. The failure to educate the country's children
costs the equivalent of one flood a year, according to a report
produced by the Pakistan Education Task Force.
The
18th Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan, states, “The state
shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age
of five to 16 years in such a manner as may be determined by
law.” Although this year was declared Education Year in Pakistan, over
25 in million children are being denied their constitutional right to
an education. Pakistan has the largest number of children out of
school in the world after Afghanistan. Only 23 per cent of our
children under the age of 16 attend secondary school and almost
one-third of Pakistanis have received less than two years of
education. 54% of Pakistan is literate (a generous estimate) and even
so, being literate means the ability to sign your name.
Pakistan’s young are dynamic and thirsty to learn and be involved. But
the inadequacy of quality education – critical thinking in particular
– renders our country incapable of dealing with the challenges of the
21st century. It means an overwhelming majority of our population is
ignorant, angry, and extreme. Tens of thousands of children are
growing up to be merchants of hatred -- with a very narrow world-view
and bitterly antagonistic against concepts of tolerance, individual
freedoms and democracy. I lost my father, my friend and my hero
because of this mindset. I do not wish for any other family to have to
suffer through what mine has had to. No other nation should lose its
brave heart.
The
road ahead is difficult and the results will not be immediate. But as
patriotic citizens with a heavy stake in our nation’s stability, we
must not abdicate our responsibilities. It is in our hands what
direction our nation takes. Let’s reclaim Jinnah’s Pakistan.
Courtesy: Jinnah Institute Pakistan
(comm@jinnah-institute.org)
--------------------------------------------------------------
|
Managing Disaster
by Naseer Memon
|
PREDICTIONS
about this year’s monsoon season are ominous. The forecast of 10 per
cent higher than normal rainfall in the country’s upper catchment
areas should set alarm bells ringing.
With the ghosts of last year’s floods not yet laid to rest, the
incomplete rehabilitation of flood-protection infrastructure is a
major cause for concern. Sindh, which was the worst affected by the
floods, has yet to complete almost 40 per cent of the repair-work at a
time when a premature monsoon has already set in. Punjab and Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa have completed more than 80 per cent of the repair work
but the predicament of Azad Jammu Kashmir causes consternation since
hardly any repair work has been executed. The institutional and
administrative web responsible for managing floods was exposed last
year as being in shambles. From rescue to relief, every effort was
poor enough to merit worry this year.
After the report presented by the judicial commission formed by the
Supreme Court, another report by a similar committee formed by the
Punjab High Court has laid bare the inefficiency of the
flood-management systems in the country. The key findings of both
reports are the same. Administrative failure on part of the provincial
irrigation departments, rampant corruption, criminal negligence and
encroachments in the flood plains have been identified as the reasons
that Sindh and Punjab saw such a disaster. A careful review of the
judicial commissions’ reports reveals that the country does not have
an integrated flood-management system. Scattered and disjointed
measures may bring temporary relief but they are far from sufficient
to thwart any future disaster.
Disaster management includes three key components: risk-reduction,
preparedness and response. In Pakistan the first point hardly receives
any serious attention, the second component is inadequate and the
third is in shambles. The most challenging yet rewarding phase of
risk-reduction should be made a priority. While structures are of
utmost importance, risk-reduction should not be restricted to the
level of mere engineering. The stereotyped conceptualisation of
risk-reduction in Pakistan does not conceive of anything beyond
flood-protection infrastructure. Additionally, more often than not, it
glosses over the social, institutional and biological measures that
can be taken. These are the areas where public policy has to be
improved. The strengthening of disaster-management institutions and
their integration with other relevant bodies is of paramount
importance. The Punjab judicial commission has underlined the
importance of developing an integrated flood-management plan.
While the judicial commissions’ reports substantially capture the gaps
in administrative governance, they have almost skirted the nexus of
political governance. It is a well-recognised fact that after the
police, the irrigation department is a highly politicised area. Since
power politics in Pakistan is dominated by a Byzantine alliance of
landed aristocracies and urban oligarchies, water is the ‘open sesame’
mantra for political powers. The posting of grade-17 and 18 officials
in the department is directly governed by the irrigation minister and
the chief minister respectively. The plum posting is allegedly traded
at rates of up to Rs2m. If the custodians of the Tori dyke were of
junior grades, their being posted there is not merely administrative
brushwork; in fact, it is deeply entangled with political
decision-making.
Another example is wilful negligence in terms of the state of the Tori
dyke. The Supreme Court’s commission has made the startling revelation
that on Feb 4, 2010 — i.e. six months before the breach occurred — it
was noted in a meeting of the Indus River Commission that unless the
dyke was strengthened well before the year’s flood season, the
likelihood of colossal losses could not be ruled out. Why was no
follow-up work done to allocate the resources required to shore the
structure up before the rains started? Can the political leadership be
exonerated for its failure in this regard?
Similarly, the network of illegally erected dykes in the floodplains
is not a corollary of merely administrative neglect; it is a business
that is patronised by local politicians. The same can be said of the
occupation of forest land in floodplains. A string of local feudals,
administration officials and politicians has let this happen. The
judicial commission rightly recommended that strict action be taken
against irrigation department officials but it has largely ignored the
delinquencies of the feudal and political leaderships. If nothing else
the provincial governments should have been asked to disclose a list
of people who have occupied vast swathes of land in the katcha areas.
The reasons behind the posting of junior and inexperienced officials
in the irrigation department could have been made public. This would
have exposed the nepotism which resulted in inflicting excruciating
damage on the poor.
Another omission is the faulty engineering infrastructure. The
interesting dimension of last year’s flood was the abnormally long
travel duration of peak flows between barrages. The flow that normally
takes 24 hours from the Guddu to Sukkur barrage took 33 hours.
Similarly, the time-lag between Sukkur and Kotri was an astounding 408
hours as against the normal time-lag of 72 hours. This was partially
because of sustained inflows from upstream. However, the role played
by newly-built structures such as bridges needs to be delved into more
deeply. Structures have been erected on the River Indus without an
environmental impact assessment being undertaken and there is a
possibility that these may have aggravated the floods.
All these questions need to be answered so that immediate steps can be
taken to mitigate the effects of any flooding this year.
The country cannot afford to do nothing, waiting for disaster to
strike.
The writer is the chief executive of Strengthening Participatory
Organisation.
nmemon@spopk.org
http://www.dawn.com/2011/07/14/managing-disaster.html
|
--------------------------------------------------------------
"This
is also Pakistan"
|
Celebrating World Music Day
Gulf News Wednesday, June 22,
2011

A man checks a guitar at his
music instruments shop in Karachi yesterday. World Music Day is
observed on June 21 every year.
|
--------------------------------------------------------------
PAKISTAN: Impunity for rape and other forms of violence against women must
end
|
May 20, 2011
ALRC-CWS-17-02-2011
HUMAN RIGHTS
COUNCIL
Seventeenth session, Agenda Item 3, Interactive Dialogue with SR on
Extra-judicial killings
A
written statement submitted by the Asian Legal Resource Centre (ALRC),
a non-governmental organisation with general consultative status
The Asian Legal
Resource Centre (ALRC) wishes to highlight its continuing concerns
about the widespread violation of women’s rights and cases of serious
violence against women, including sexual violence, in Pakistan.
The ALRC recalls that Pakistan
acceded to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) on 12 Mar 1996. Furthermore,
during the country’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) on May 8, 2008,
the government accepted several recommendations concerning women’s
rights and violence against women. Despite this, as will be seen
below, violence and discrimination against women remains a critical
issue in the country and the authorities are not taking credible or
effective action to address the many grave cases of abuse that
continue to take place with impunity.
Key accepted
UPR recommendations made to the government of Pakistan include the
following:
-
Adopt measures to ensure that
victims have access to protection and redress, that perpetrators are
prosecuted and punished, and that gender sensitivity training be
provided to relevant officials.
-
Ensure punishment for perpetrators
of all violence against women and also thoroughly investigate and
punish members and leaders of illegal jirgas for their calls to
violence against women.
-
Continue with appropriate measures
to eradicate discrimination and violence against women including
domestic violence and to strengthen existing measures to thoroughly
investigate crimes related to violence against women.
-
Continue with appropriate measures
to eradicate discrimination and violence against women.
-
Take measures to provide redress
for crimes of honour killings, acid attacks and forced marriages.
As can be seen from the above, the
issue of ensuring access to justice, effective investigation of
allegations and prosecution of perpetrators are at the core of these
recommendations. However, the ALRC has been deeply disappointed by
developments concerning women's rights activist and gang-rape victim
Mukhtaran Mai attempt to secure justice and challenge the impunity of
the men who raped her some nine years ago. On April 21, 2011, the
Supreme Court of Pakistan upheld the verdict of the Multan bench of
Lahore High Court, which had been suspended as the result of a suo
motu notice by the Chief Justice in 2005. The high court had reversed
a trial court’s judgment on the unjustifiable basis of “insufficient
evidence and faulty police investigations” and meant that all but one
of the six men allegedly responsible for Mukhtaran Mai’s gang-rape on
June 22, 2002, were to be released. Only Abdul Khaliq remains in
prison to serve a life sentence.
In August 2002, six of the men had
been sentenced to death by the trial court - four for raping Mukhtaran
Mai and two for being part of the Panchayat that ordered her to be
raped as punishment for adultery that her brother had alleged
committed. The Panchayat and other tribal and feudal modes of parallel
justice systems exist and operate in Pakistan, in violation of the
country’s constitution. Yet, this case shows how the country’s
constitutional legal system is assisting in protecting the outcomes of
the parallel, unconstitutional traditional justice system. The Multan
bench later acquitted five of the six on appeal and converted the
death sentence of Abdul Khaliq to life imprisonment. It is
preposterous that only one person can be sentenced under charges of
gang-rape, with the other alleged perpetrators being released.
In upholding the legally flawed
Multan bench verdict, the Supreme Court has seriously disappointed all
those who support justice and women’s rights. This sends the chilling
message to all victims of rape in Pakistan, as Mukhtaran Mai has shown
exceptional bravery in fighting for justice and accountability, yet
despite her efforts and the attention the case has received in
Pakistan and internationally, still impunity for the majority of the
accused has been upheld. Given the social stigma, threats and dangers
encountered by those who dare to pursue justice concerning rape, this
ruling by the Supreme Court will only serve to dissuade victims of
rape from seeking justice.
While Minister Rehman Malik stated
on April 22 that he had been directed by Prime Minister Yousuf Raza
Gilani to provide security for Mukhtaran Mai, for which the Punjab
Police would be responsible, serious concerns remain for her physical
integrity, notably as those thought to be responsible for her
gang-rape will now be free and likely emboldened by the impunity they
enjoy.
In another such case, the ALRC’s
sister-organisation, the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC)
documented the case of a 16 year old girl who was kidnapped for
ransom, along with her brother, on October 14, 2010, by a group of
criminals involved in land-grabbing, who are reportedly connected to
the police. The girl was gang raped repeatedly during a period lasting
almost one month. The girl’s father tried to register a complaint
concerning the gang rape to the section A police station, Khairpur
Mirs, but the police refused to record the gang rape in their report.
He then filed an application in the Session court of Khairpur Mirs who
ordered the police to file FIR concerning her abduction and rape.
Following untiring efforts by the
girl’s father, the police eventually arrested two persons. However,
they were released within two hours after bribing members of the
police. The Interior Minister pledged before the Sindh provincial
assembly that he would take up the case but no action from the
ministry has been taken to date. The family of the victims are facing
threats from the alleged perpetrators as well as members of the police
to get them to drop the case – this includes threatening to subject
the family’s other two children with rape.
In another case, which shows the
dangers and difficulties encountered by rape victims’ attempts to seek
justice, a female government health worker was allegedly raped by a
notorious gangster, with the help of two police informants, on
December 9, 2010. An FIR was only lodged by the police five days after
the rape, in order to allow time to pass, destroying the physical
evidence of rape. The police, instead of filing a rape case, filed a
case of attempted rape in order to shield the perpetrators. While the
alleged rapist has been arrested for attempted rape, the police
informants who allegedly restrained and beat the victim continue to
enjoy protection by the police. High ranking police officers have
reportedly been coercing the victim into settling the case out of
court. It is understood that the alleged perpetrator of this rape had
been harassing the victim since 2009 and that she had reported this to
the police, but they had told her to come back if and when the crime
of rape had been committed, as they could not do anything until then.
The Asian Legal Resource Centre
calls on the members of the Human Rights Council and the UPR Working
Group to request an update from the government of Pakistan concerning
its implementation of the many recommendations that it accepted as
part of its review in 2008. It is important that the government
provide an update on any progress made prior to its next review, in
order to ensure that the second round of the review is conducted in
the most informed way possible.
The ALRC calls on the government of
Pakistan to go beyond lip-service to the international community and
ensure swift and decisive action to implement the recommendations
included in the UPR outcome concerning discrimination and violence
against women. Furthermore, the government must take action to punish
all persons who participate in anti-constitutional parallel justice
system who aid, abet or commit violations of women’s rights, in
particular acts of sexual violence such as gang-rape. The government
must also take the lead in providing effective protection to victims
of such abuse, in order to encourage them to come forwards and break
the system of silence, suffering and injustice that currently
accompanies such crimes. The government is urged to cooperate fully
with the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and
consequences as well as the CEDAW Committee and ensure that it also
implements all recommendations made by these mechanisms.
http://www.alrc.net/doc/mainfile.php/hrc17/675/ |
--------------------------------------------------------------
Education, education, education
By Ardeshir Cowasjee

Sunday 3rd April 2011
THIS is a word that for decades,
since soon after the country’s birth, has not figured in the lexicon of any
of our ‘great’ leaders.
It is a word and subject that has been wilfully ignored over the formative
years and its shunning by successive governments and the miserable funding
allocated to it has settled in as a firm and maintained policy.
The sole and truly great leader Pakistan has had was its maker and founder —
and that was more than 60 years ago. Since then, all who have followed have
not even been mediocre which might have rendered them harmless — they have
been either sharp cookies who have undermined the nation by their deeds or
dolts or on occasion they have been helpless.
Whatever, a sorry
state of affairs which today seems irredeemable as the horizon, as far as
the rise and shining of any political figure to come to our rescue, is
blank.
In 1947, Mohammad
Ali Jinnah realised that his country would need education were it to sustain
itself, move forward and progress. It was very much on his agenda and he
acted.
Within a few months
of the country’s birth he summoned all the communal leaders and addressed
them on the subject of their schools — meaning those that had schools
specifically for their own community’s children. As far as the Parsis were
concerned, the BVS Boys’ School and the Mama Parsi Girls’ School were
restricted to children of our community. Jinnah told them that the children
of those who were coming to Pakistan from India would need education and
requested that the communities open up their schools to children of all
creeds and sects. They unanimously agreed.
But it was downhill from thence on. No
government in memory has taken on mass education, because it has never had
the will. Education and the feudal mindset — the national mindset — do not
sit together. The education portfolio has never been popular, rarely sought
after.
An old story has it that during the first
decade or so of the country’s life after one of its prime ministers who
assumed he had completed the dishing out of his cabinet portfolios was
reminded by an aide, after all the candidates had departed, that he had not
allocated education. The aide was swiftly dispatched to the neighbouring
hostel where the aspiring parliamentarians were housed and asked to find
someone, anyone, who would be willing to take up the education portfolio.
In the early days there was little if any
money to be made out of education but things have changed and after the
nationalisation of schools it has become a lucrative business with much to
gain when dealing with the appointment of teachers and other staff.
However, as pointed out by Zubeida
Mustafa in her informative column printed on the opposite page on March 30
(‘Ringing the alarm bells’), realisation has dawned on “some in the
government” that as far as education is concerned Pakistan is a disaster
zone — 25 million children do not go to school. This is a staggering figure,
bearing in mind that demographic statistics tell us that the majority of the
population of 180 million is of school-/college-going age.
The government-established the Pakistan
Education Task Force has recently brought out a report entitled Education
Emergency Pakistan which has revealed to us the truly deplorable state of
Pakistan’s education system. We learn that some 10 per cent of the world’s
primary school-age children who are out of school exist in this republic —
democratic in name —and in the global ranking of non-school-going children
we come in at a disgraceful second place.
The report is a terrible indictment of
what constitutes the elite of this maggot-ridden country: countrywide
universal education to the age of 16 is unlikely to be achieved within our
lifetime. Punjab ‘may’ achieve its universal education in 2041, Sindh in
2049, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2064 and miserably neglected Balochistan in
2100. Are these not thoroughly shaming figures?
As for women, it has never been
acknowledged that it is mothers who bring about the education of their
children — ignorant illiterate mothers are far more likely to produce
equally ignorant and illiterate children than are the few lucky educated
ones. Less than half the womenfolk of Pakistan have had any formal education
and in the rural areas only one in three women has ever attended school.
Apart from the sheer shame of the figures
cited there is danger in this gross and willful neglect. Easily available
fodder for the militants amongst us comes from the 25 million youths who
have no schools to go to — recruiting foot-soldiers to be brainwashed
presents no problems. This should be one prime mover to spur on our
government to allocate to education more than the paltry less-than 1.5 per
cent of the GDP — which is unbelievably less than the subsidies given to PIA,
Pakistan Steel, and PEPCO.
This March 25 the World Bank approved a
loan of $400m for education — $300m for university level projects and $50m
each for primary school levels in Punjab and Sindh. Fine, but this is not
going to get anyone very far as not all of the funds will get to where they
are supposed to go — that would be an impossibility in this democratic land.
Our leadership will not, but it should
one day, conclude, as did Lee Kuan Yew when he was building Singapore, “that
the decisive factors were the people, their natural abilities, education and
training. Knowledge and possession of technology were vital for the creation
of wealth”. Pakistan needs more than just wealth, much more.
--------------------------------------------------------------
Pakistan can’t handle Fukushima
|

By
Pervez Hoodbhoy
Published: March 22, 2011
A person, who is
believed to be have been contaminated with radiation, in a white bag is
carried by soldiers at a radiation treatment centre in Nihonmatsu city
in Fukushima prefecture on March 13, 2011.
PHOTO: AFP
|
 |
Ten days after the
earthquake tsunami, Japan still teetered at the knife-edge of a
major nuclear disaster. Four
hydrogen explosions reduced three buildings in the 6-reactor Fukushima
nuclear complex to smoking ruins. Radioactive plumes triggered a level-5
emergency, and evacuations were ordered up to a 20-kilometre radius. A
heroic effort finally prevented a melt-down of spent-fuel rods and averted
catastrophic consequences but reactor fires are still burning.
If nothing else works, plans call for
pouring thousands of tons of concrete and turning the reactors into
permanent nuclear tombs. On the positive side: the disaster management was
excellent. Stoic and disciplined, the Japanese behaved wonderfully well. No
looting, no panic, and no anti-government demonstrations followed the
explosions. People helped each other, relief teams operated unobstructed,
and rescuers had full radiation protection gear. Plant operators risked
their lives by working in super-high radiation environments, and engineers
showed their grasp of emergency reactor dynamics.
On the negative side: even elaborate
earthquake-protection and tsunami-protection measures failed badly. Power
sources for emergency cooling pumps were destroyed by the 30-foot high wall
of water. In retrospect, storing thousands of spent-fuel rods on the reactor
site turned out to be a terrible mistake.
Japan’s near tragedy has reminded the
world that situating reactors close to a city can be exceedingly dangerous –
even more than storing nuclear bombs within it. While a nuclear reactor
cannot explode like a bomb, after one year of operation even a rather small
200MW reactor contains more radioactive cesium, strontium, and iodine than
the amounts produced in all the nuclear weapons tests ever conducted.
These devastatingly deadly materials could
be released if the containment vessel of a reactor is somehow breached.
As the Japanese continue their struggle to
bring Fukushima’s reactors under control, they know they had false ly
gambled that nuclear reactors could be safed against earthquakes. Still,
there was some logic to this risk-taking: Japan’s energy hungry economy gets
about 30per cent of its electricity from its 55 nuclear reactors.
Pakistan has much less reason to risk
Karachi, its largest city. The Karachi Nuclear Power Plant, (KANUPP) located
by the seashore, produces little electricity. This Canadian supplied reactor
has been in operation since December 1972, but according to IAEA statistics,
has been unavailable for power production 70.4 per cent of the time. Even if
it had operated as per design (120MW of electrical power), it could supply
only six-seven per cent of Karachi’s total electrical power needs – barely
enough for Golimar and Lyari.
Nevertheless KANUPP puts the Karachi’s
population at risk. Sabotage, terrorist attack, equipment failure,
earthquake, or a tsunami could result in large scale radioactive release. As
in the 1986 Chernobyl disaster, the instinctive reaction of the authorities
would be to cover up the facts.
But with the breeze mostly directed
towards Karachi, the population would surely have to be evacuated. The rich
and the fortunate would succeed; the rest would not. Unlike the orderly and
disciplined evacuation of post-tsunami Fukushima, all hell would break loose
as millions would try to flee. Looters would strip everything bare, roads
would be clogged, and vital services would collapse.
Japan’s nuclear disaster should open our
eyes. Japan is an advanced industrialised country with superior engineering
knowledge and practices. It has a safety culture, Pakistan does not. Whether
driving cars or running nuclear plants, Pakistanis are risktakers looking
for shortcuts, choosing to put their faith in God rather than precautions.
It would not be surprising if our nuclear
plant operators overlook critical safety procedures. Little is known about
operating procedures because everything nuclear is kept under wraps,
ostensibly for reasons of national security. This also covers up for bad
practices.
The shoulder-shrugging nonchalance of
Pakistani authorities during the Japan disaster is particularly disturbing.
Even as explosions tore through the nuclear complex, the “experts” flatly
declared that a Fukushima could never happen in Pakistan. This outlandish
claim cost them nothing, of course, because officials and other high-ups in
Pakistan have never paid the price for false statements. A real nuclear
disaster in Pakistan would see PAEC, PNRA, and our “great scientists” – who
provide endless vanilla-flavoured reassurances – running around like
chickens with their heads cut off. They would be clueless in dealing with a
situation that threatens the lives of millions.
The only thing they would know is how to
run away fast. It is time to down-size Pakistan’s nuclear fission power
production. While remaining a perpetual danger, nuclear technology has not
met any reasonable fraction of Pakistan’s energy needs.
After nearly half a century of investing in the Pakistan Atomic Energy
Commission – and the billions of dollars spent upon creating its
infrastructure – only two per cent of Pakistan’s installed nuclear capacity
is nuclear. The actual production is less than even this.
India has not done well either. Only six
per cent of Indian electricity is nuclear. Clearly, nuclear electricity is
not cheap or easy. Contrary to popular public perception, Pakistan’s power
reactors also make no contribution to Pakistan’s bombmaking capacity – the
fissile material for these is produced elsewhere. Therefore there are
multiple reasons why the search for more fission power must be shelved.
Until nuclear fusion power becomes available after some decades, Pakistan,
like other countries, must rely on a mix of oil, gas, hydro, coal, solar,
wind, and other renewables.
The author is a nuclear physicist and
holds a PhD from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
--------------------------------------------------------------


COLUMNISTS
Recognising the UN
By I.A. Rehman
Thursday, 10 Jun, 2010 | 02:25 AM PST
PHOTO FROM DAWN WEBSITE
By ratifying the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the
Convention Against Torture (CAT), both of which were signed in April 2008,
Pakistan has taken a significant step towards acceding to the international
human rights system.
Taken together with the ratification of the International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the signing of the
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) in 2008, the
present move encourages the hope that the phase of Islamabad’s indifference
to the UN human rights machinery may well be coming to an end.
This non-recognition of one of the most vital functions of the international
collective was evident from systematic acts of omission. While Pakistan had
honoured its adherence to the non-enforceable Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (UDHR) of 1948 by incorporating most of its provisions in its
constitution, it completely ignored the two more important constituents of
the International Bill of Rights, namely, the two covenants of 1966 (ICESCR
and ICCPR) till 2004 when the ICESCR was signed.
And although Pakistan ratified the Convention for the Elimination of all
forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) of 1966 in the same year, the
Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) of 1989 in 1990 and the
Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
of 1979 in 1996, its record of implementing these treaties has been, on the
whole, dismal.Besides, the government’s lack of interest in special
procedures has often bordered on contempt for the system. The special
rapporteurs (especially on right to information, independence of the
judiciary, rights of women) were denied visits to Pakistan and if the
rapporteurs on freedom of belief and torture were extended one-visit
facility the reluctance to be open with them was hardly concealed. Above
all, instead of acknowledging and helping the Pakistanis who had created a
niche for themselves in the UN system, our diplomats sometimes tried to earn
their keep by running them down.
Queries received from the rapporteurs were often answered after long delays
or not at all and when the government did choose to respond its replies were
usually incomplete and evasive. Its reports to committees on CRC and CEDAW
were neither comprehensive nor wholly truthful and, contrary to treaty
obligation, neither the reports nor the relevant committees’ observations
were shared with the people.
The sole purpose of recalling this unenviable past is to persuade the
authorities to eschew actions and attitudes that not only affected
Pakistan’s standing in the international human rights fraternity but also,
and more importantly, deprived the people of this country of the benefits of
humankind’s advances in defining basic human rights and devising the means
of their realisation.
With the latest ratifications Pakistan has become a party to the key human
rights instruments — UDHR, ICESCR, ICCPR, CEDAW, CRC, CERD and CAT. This
means that the government must now pay due attention to the obligations it
has assumed by adhering to these treaties and standards. The very first task
is to sensitise the ministries/departments concerned withn the task of
implementing the human rights instruments, such as the ministries of law and
justice, parliamentary affairs, human rights, foreign affairs, interior,
education, health, minority affairs, women development and information,
about their responsibilities and the best ways to discharge them. At the
same time the government should use its information services to make the
people aware of their rights as defined in the international treaties.
The state functionaries and the public both need to be informed of the place
of ICCPR (as well as ICESCR) in the mechanism for the enforcement of rights.
To begin, with, the covenant amplifies the rights inscribed in the UDHR. For
instance, ICCPR amplifies the right to protection against unlawful detention
by declaring that “anyone who has been the victim of unlawful arrest or
detention shall have an enforceable right to compensation” (Article 5).
Similarly, the covenant lists seven conditions that constitute the minimum
guarantees to fair determination of any criminal charge against anyone
(Article 14). While calling for prohibition by law of any propaganda for war
the covenant also declares that “any advocacy of national, racial or
religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or
violence shall be prohibited by law” (Article 20).
As regards the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), all concerned must be made to
comprehend the meaning of torture as pain or suffering, physical or mental,
deliberately caused by or at the instigation of a public official for
obtaining confession/information, or as punishment, or for
coercion/intimidation.
The state’s obligations have been summed up in Article 2 of the convention:
(i) the state shall take effective legislative, administrative, judicial or
other measures to prevent (not merely to punish) acts of torture on its
territory; (ii) no circumstances (war, political instability or public
emergency) may be invoked to justify torture; and (iii) any order from a
superior authority may not be invoked as a justification for torture.
The government must also realise that adherence to international human
rights treaties demands enabling all citizens to enjoy their basic rights.
Quite a few rights are not covered by Pakistan’s statutes; these gaps should
be filled at the earliest. In many areas laws and procedures need refinement
and elaboration. This and the obligation to file periodic reports on
compliance with treaty provisions demand the creation of a mechanism for
overseeing implementation, reporting and studying the feasibility of a
continuous review by a domestic authority.
In order to facilitate enforcement of human rights treaties special
protocols have been attached to many of them. The government must take a
look at these protocols. Pakistan signed the two excellent protocols to the
CRC — one on the use of children in war and the other on the sale of
children and their use for prostitution/pornography — in 2001, and it is
time both were ratified.
The protocol to CEDAW need not be ignored any longer. The ICCPR has two
essential protocols. The first one that allows citizens of a state party
access to the UN redress mechanism is not favoured by many states but the
second one only seeks the abolition of the death penalty, and its
ratification will be in accord with the present government’s policy.
In the beginning administrators in all countries are rarely enthusiastic
about their human rights responsibilities, particularly if they involve
restrictions on their arbitrary use of power, but wherever the task is
sincerely pursued promotion of human rights becomes as magnificent an
obsession and as rewarding as true love. So let it be in Pakistan too.
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/columnists/i-a-rehman-recognising-the-un-060
return to home page
|